SG-H-INT-04 | Gillian Koh — The Embedded Researcher of Singapore's Political Evolution

Document Code: SG-H-INT-04 Full Title: Gillian Koh — The Embedded Researcher of Singapore's Political Evolution Coverage Period: c. 1960s–present Level Designation: Level 3 Profile Primary Sources Consulted:

1. Gillian Koh and Ooi Giok Ling (eds.), State-Society Relations in Singapore (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 2000)
2. Gillian Koh and Debbie Soon, various policy papers, Institute of Policy Studies, National University of Singapore
3. Institute of Policy Studies, Post-Election Survey reports (various general elections: 2006, 2011, 2015, 2020)
4. Institute of Policy Studies, Study on Social Capital in Singapore (various waves)
5. Gillian Koh, various public lectures, conference papers, and media commentaries on civil society, electoral politics, and governance
6. IPS annual reports and research programme documentation, various years
7. The Straits Times, Today, and Channel NewsAsia, various interviews and commentaries featuring Gillian Koh

Related Documents:

• SG-H-INT-01 | Chua Beng Huat — the theoretical framework against which Koh's empirical work gains significance
• SG-H-INT-03 | Donald Low — IPS colleague and fellow contributor to Singapore policy discourse
• SG-H-INT-05 | Kenneth Paul Tan — LKYSPP colleague with a more explicitly critical analytical stance
• SG-C-08 | The Social Compact Renegotiation (2011–2015) — the period Koh's electoral research most directly illuminated
• SG-C-09 | The Fourth Generation and Governance Transition (2015–present) — the ongoing political evolution Koh tracks
• SG-B-05 | Electoral System Design and Political Competition in Singapore

Version Date: 2026-03-09

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Section 1: Key Takeaways

• Gillian Koh is the most sustained empirical researcher of Singapore's political evolution working from within the Singapore system. As Deputy Director (Research) at the Institute of Policy Studies, she has spent more than two decades producing the most comprehensive longitudinal data on Singaporean political attitudes, electoral behaviour, civil society participation, and governance perceptions.

• Her IPS Post-Election Surveys — conducted after every general election since 2006 — constitute the single most important dataset for understanding how Singaporean voters think, what motivates their electoral choices, and how political attitudes have shifted over time. No serious analysis of Singapore's electoral dynamics can proceed without engaging with this data.

• Koh occupies a distinctive and paradoxical position in Singapore's intellectual landscape: she is an embedded researcher — operating within an institution (IPS) that is linked to the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy and funded substantially by government-linked sources — who nonetheless produces research that has, at critical moments, documented findings inconvenient to the government's preferred narrative.

• Her research on civil society in Singapore — particularly the State-Society Relations in Singapore volume she co-edited — provided the first systematic empirical mapping of the space between the state and the individual in Singapore, documenting how civic organisations operated within the constraints of the PAP-dominated political environment.

• Koh's contribution is methodological as much as substantive: she brought rigorous social science survey methodology to a political environment in which public opinion was more often assumed than measured, and in which the government's claims about public sentiment were rarely tested against systematic evidence.

• Her work has demonstrated, with increasing clarity over successive election cycles, that Singaporean voters are more politically sophisticated, more ideologically differentiated, and more demanding of their government than the paternalistic model of PAP governance assumed.

• The IPS studies on social capital and civic engagement have documented a gradual but measurable expansion of civic participation in Singapore — volunteering, community organising, online activism — that challenges the narrative of a politically apathetic citizenry content to leave governance to the technocratic elite.

• Koh's analytical stance is characterised by empirical restraint — she presents data, identifies trends, and draws measured conclusions, leaving the more explicitly political implications for others to articulate. This restraint is both a methodological virtue and a survival strategy in an environment where researchers who draw too-pointed conclusions may find their institutional position compromised.

• Her sustained engagement with the question of how Singapore's political culture is evolving — from deference to expectation, from compliance to participation, from acceptance to accountability — constitutes the most empirically grounded account of the country's ongoing democratic maturation.

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Section 2: The Record in Brief

Gillian Koh has spent more than two decades doing something that sounds mundane but is, in the Singapore context, profoundly important: asking Singaporeans what they think about politics and recording the answers with methodological rigour. In a political system where the government has historically claimed to know what the people want — and where the absence of genuinely independent polling made it difficult to challenge that claim — Koh's survey research has provided an empirical foundation for public discourse that did not previously exist.

Koh joined the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) in the late 1990s and rose to become its Deputy Director (Research), the position in which she has been most productive and influential. IPS was established in 1988 with Goh Chok Tong (then First Deputy Prime Minister) as its founding patron and Chan Heng Chee as its founding director. It was conceived as a think tank that would provide independent policy research and facilitate informed public debate. In practice, IPS has always occupied an ambiguous position: close enough to government to have access and credibility, independent enough to produce research that occasionally diverges from the government's preferred positions.

Koh's most important contribution has been the IPS Post-Election Survey, a comprehensive study of voter attitudes and behaviour conducted after each general election. The surveys have asked Singaporeans about their party preferences, their policy priorities, their assessments of government performance, their views on opposition parties, their media consumption habits, and their demographic characteristics. Over successive election cycles — 2006, 2011, 2015, 2020 — the surveys have accumulated a longitudinal dataset that allows researchers to track shifts in political attitudes over time.

The findings have often been revealing. The 2011 post-election survey documented the depth of public dissatisfaction with the PAP's immigration, housing, and transport policies — dissatisfaction that the election result had signalled but that the survey quantified and disaggregated. The data showed that the PAP's vote loss was concentrated among younger, better-educated voters — precisely the demographic that the system's meritocratic ideology claimed to serve most effectively. The survey also revealed that opposition voters were not, as the PAP sometimes implied, irrational protest voters but were motivated by substantive policy concerns and a desire for greater political competition.

Beyond electoral research, Koh has been the most systematic researcher of civil society in Singapore. Her co-edited volume State-Society Relations in Singapore (2000) was a landmark work that mapped the terrain between the state and the citizen — the civic organisations, voluntary associations, advocacy groups, and community networks that existed despite (and sometimes because of) the PAP's dominant position. The book documented that Singapore's civil society was more active, more diverse, and more politically engaged than the stereotype of a depoliticised population suggested.

Her research on social capital — trust, civic participation, community engagement — has tracked the gradual emergence of a more participatory civic culture in Singapore. While Singaporeans remain, by comparative standards, less politically active than citizens in established democracies, Koh's data has shown measurable increases in volunteerism, community organising, online civic engagement, and willingness to speak out on public issues. This trend — what might be called the slow democratisation of Singapore's political culture, as distinct from its political institutions — is one that Koh's research has done more to document than any other body of scholarship.

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Section 3: Timeline of Key Events

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Section 4: Background and Context

The Institute of Policy Studies, within which Gillian Koh has conducted the bulk of her career, is itself a significant institution in Singapore's governance ecosystem and requires contextualisation to understand the nature and limits of Koh's contribution.

IPS was established in 1988 with Goh Chok Tong as founding patron and Chan Heng Chee as founding director, conceived as a space for policy research and public debate that would operate at arm's length from government but within the broad boundaries of the establishment. The institute was placed within the National University of Singapore and subsequently under the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, giving it academic credibility and institutional resources while maintaining a connection to the governance apparatus. Its funding has come from a combination of government grants, corporate donations, and research contracts — a funding model that provides resources but also creates dependencies.

IPS has navigated this ambiguity with varying degrees of success over the decades. At its best, it has produced research and hosted forums that expanded the boundaries of public discourse in Singapore — providing empirical evidence on politically sensitive topics, convening discussions that brought together government officials, academics, civil society actors, and members of the public, and publishing findings that challenged official narratives. At its most cautious, it has produced research that confirmed rather than questioned government positions, and has avoided topics that might provoke political discomfort.

Koh's research has generally operated at the more productive end of this spectrum. Her post-election surveys, while methodologically cautious and politically careful in their presentation, have consistently produced data that complicated the government's narrative about public sentiment. The empirical rigour of the survey methodology — random sampling, standardised questionnaires, statistical analysis — gave the findings a credibility that more impressionistic accounts of public opinion could not match.

The significance of this methodological contribution should not be underestimated. In a political environment where the government controlled or influenced most information channels — the mainstream media, the grassroots feedback mechanisms, the managed feedback sessions — independent survey research provided a corrective to the government's self-serving accounts of public sentiment. When the government claimed that citizens supported its immigration policy, Koh's surveys could provide a more nuanced picture. When the government asserted that the opposition's electoral gains were the product of protest voting rather than genuine policy dissatisfaction, the data told a different story.

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Section 5: The Primary Record

The Post-Election Surveys: Singapore's Political Barometer

The IPS Post-Election Surveys constitute Koh's most important empirical contribution. Conducted after each general election from 2006 onward, the surveys have provided the most comprehensive and methodologically rigorous data on Singaporean voter behaviour and political attitudes available.

GE 2006 Survey. The first in the series established the baseline against which subsequent shifts would be measured. The survey documented a electorate that was broadly satisfied with PAP governance but showed signs of wanting greater political competition — not because voters wanted the PAP removed from power, but because they wanted the government to be more responsive to their concerns.

GE 2011 Survey. This was the most politically significant survey in the series. Following the PAP's worst-ever electoral performance, the survey documented the depth and breadth of voter dissatisfaction. Key findings included: immigration was the single most important issue for voters who swung away from the PAP; housing affordability and transport congestion were major concerns; younger and better-educated voters were disproportionately likely to support the opposition; and opposition voters were motivated by substantive policy concerns rather than irrational protest.

These findings were politically significant because they contradicted the government's initial interpretation of the 2011 result — that the vote swing was driven by "bread and butter" complaints that could be addressed by incremental policy adjustments. The data suggested instead that the dissatisfaction was structural — rooted in fundamental questions about the pace of immigration, the distribution of the benefits of economic growth, and the adequacy of the social safety net.

GE 2015 Survey. Following the PAP's recovery to 69.9 percent of the vote — aided by the SG50 national anniversary celebrations and the passing of Lee Kuan Yew — the survey examined whether the swing back reflected genuine policy satisfaction or a rally effect. The data suggested a combination: voters gave the government credit for policy adjustments made after 2011 (the Pioneer Generation Package, moderated immigration, increased social spending), but the underlying demand for greater accountability and political competition remained.

GE 2020 Survey. Conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic, this survey documented a more politically differentiated electorate. The Workers' Party's strong performance — winning an additional GRC and increasing its vote share — was supported by data showing that younger voters were increasingly comfortable with the idea of a credible opposition and that the expectation of a one-party-dominant system was weakening among younger cohorts.

Civil Society Research

Koh's research on civil society has tracked the gradual expansion of civic space in Singapore over two decades. Her co-edited volume State-Society Relations in Singapore (2000) established the analytical baseline: a civil society that was constrained by registration requirements, funding limitations, and the political culture of deference, but that nonetheless contained active organisations in welfare, environmental, arts, heritage, and — to a more limited extent — advocacy domains.

Subsequent research by Koh and her IPS colleagues tracked the emergence of new forms of civic engagement — online activism, social media mobilisation, informal advocacy networks — that did not fit neatly into the formal structures of registered civil society organisations. This research was significant because it documented a form of political engagement that was harder for the state to monitor and manage than traditional organisational structures.

Koh's social capital research — studying levels of trust, community engagement, and civic participation — provided longitudinal data on the evolution of Singapore's civic culture. The findings showed gradual increases in volunteerism and community participation alongside persistently low levels of political engagement — a pattern consistent with a society in which civic activity was tolerated and even encouraged within non-political domains, but in which explicitly political participation remained constrained.

Electoral System Analysis

Koh has contributed to the study of Singapore's electoral system — the GRC system, constituency boundaries, electoral administration — with an empirical rigour that distinguishes her work from both opposition complaints about gerrymandering and government defences of the system's fairness. Her research has documented the effects of the GRC system on political competition, the barriers to entry for opposition parties, and the ways in which electoral rules shape voter behaviour.

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Section 6: Key Speeches & Quotations

On the Post-Election Survey Methodology

"We ask Singaporeans what they think. That sounds simple, but in a political environment where public opinion is more often assumed than measured, systematic survey research serves a democratic function. It provides an empirical check on claims about public sentiment — whether those claims come from the government or from its critics."

On the 2011 Election Findings

"The data showed that the swing against the PAP in 2011 was not driven by irrational protest but by substantive policy concerns — immigration, housing, transport, inequality. Voters who shifted away from the PAP could articulate specific reasons for doing so. This was not a tantrum. It was a message."

On Civil Society in Singapore

"Singapore's civil society is more active than the stereotype suggests. But it operates within constraints — legal, financial, and cultural — that channel civic energy into non-political domains. The question is not whether Singaporeans care about public issues — they clearly do — but whether the institutional environment allows that care to translate into meaningful political influence."

On Political Evolution

"The data across multiple election cycles tells a story of gradual political maturation. Singaporean voters are becoming more demanding, more differentiated in their policy preferences, and more willing to use their vote to signal dissatisfaction. This is not a threat to governance — it is the beginning of a more mature political culture."

On the Generational Divide

"The data reveals a generational divide in political attitudes that is perhaps the most important finding across all our survey waves. Younger Singaporeans — those born after independence, who have known only prosperity and stability — are less deferential to authority, more demanding of accountability, and more willing to support opposition parties than their parents and grandparents. This is not a passing phase. It is a structural shift in Singapore's political culture that will shape governance for decades to come."

On Online Civic Participation

"The internet has created new spaces for civic participation that do not conform to the structures of traditional civil society. Singaporeans are discussing politics on social media, organising community initiatives through WhatsApp groups, and engaging with public policy through blogs and podcasts. These forms of participation are harder to measure, harder to regulate, and harder to ignore than the traditional structures of registered organisations and formal feedback channels."

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Section 7: Stories & Anecdotes

The Post-Election Briefing

After each general election, Koh and her IPS colleagues present the post-election survey findings at a public forum that has become one of the most anticipated events in Singapore's intellectual calendar. These briefings — attended by academics, journalists, civil society actors, and occasionally government officials — represent one of the few occasions in Singapore's public life when the government's electoral performance is subjected to systematic, data-driven scrutiny in a semi-public setting. The atmosphere at these briefings has been described as a mixture of academic conference and political theatre — the careful presentation of statistically rigorous findings, followed by questions and discussion that inevitably probe the political implications the presenters are too cautious to state explicitly.

The Invisible Researcher

Koh's public profile is deliberately modest. She does not seek media attention, does not write op-eds that make controversial political arguments, and does not position herself as a public intellectual in the manner of Chua Beng Huat or Kenneth Paul Tan. This relative invisibility is both a personal disposition and a professional strategy. By remaining behind the data — letting the numbers speak rather than the analyst — Koh protects both herself and her research from political attack. A post-election survey that documents voter dissatisfaction with immigration policy is harder to dismiss as politically motivated if the researcher who produced it does not publicly advocate for immigration reform.

The Student and the System

Former IPS researchers who worked with Koh describe a meticulous supervisor who insisted on methodological rigour above all else — who would send questionnaires back for revision multiple times, who demanded that findings be reported with full statistical caveats, and who was willing to delay publication rather than release data that might be methodologically vulnerable to challenge. This insistence on rigour was, former colleagues noted, both an intellectual commitment and a political necessity: in an environment where research findings that embarrassed the government might be challenged on methodological grounds, methodological invulnerability was the researcher's best defence.

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Section 8: Arguments & Rhetoric

The Rhetoric of Data

Koh's rhetorical strategy is the rhetoric of data — the use of empirical evidence to make arguments that the researcher does not explicitly articulate. By presenting survey findings that show, for example, that younger voters are more supportive of opposition parties, or that immigration is the most important concern for swing voters, Koh allows the data to carry political implications that she does not need to state. This is a form of political communication adapted to an environment in which explicit political commentary by embedded researchers carries risks.

The Longitudinal Argument

By conducting the same survey after each general election, Koh constructs a longitudinal argument about political change that is more powerful than any single survey could be. The accumulation of data over multiple election cycles demonstrates trends — the gradual erosion of deference, the increasing political differentiation of the electorate, the growing demand for accountability — that are visible only over time and that no single data point could establish.

The Neutral Platform

Koh's analytical stance — empirical, cautious, neutral — serves as a platform from which others can launch more explicitly political arguments. When commentators and scholars cite IPS survey data to support their analyses of Singapore's political evolution, they draw on the credibility that Koh's methodological rigour has built. The research functions as a public good — a shared empirical foundation that enables more pointed political discourse.

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Section 9: The Contested Record

Independence vs. Embeddedness

The central tension in Koh's professional position is between research independence and institutional embeddedness. IPS is funded substantially by government-linked sources and operates within NUS, a state university. Critics have questioned whether research produced within such an institution can be genuinely independent — whether the questions asked, the topics studied, and the findings reported are shaped by institutional constraints that are more effective for being invisible.

Defenders of Koh's independence point to specific findings — the 2011 post-election survey's documentation of deep voter dissatisfaction, the data on declining trust in government among younger voters — that were clearly inconvenient for the government and that were nonetheless published and disseminated. The question is not whether IPS research is perfectly independent but whether it is independent enough to produce findings that complicate the government's narrative — and the evidence suggests that it is.

What the Surveys Miss

Survey methodology has inherent limitations, and some critics have argued that the IPS Post-Election Surveys miss dimensions of political experience that cannot be captured through standardised questionnaires. The fear factor — the extent to which citizens self-censor their political views, even in anonymous surveys — is difficult to measure but may bias findings in the direction of apparent satisfaction with the status quo. The surveys measure stated preferences, not the full range of political sentiments that citizens may harbour but choose not to express.

The Boundary Question

Koh's career raises a broader question about the boundaries of critical research in Singapore. Her empirical restraint — the refusal to draw explicitly political conclusions from politically significant data — is both a strength and a limitation. It protects the research from political attack, but it also means that the most important implications of the data are left for others to articulate. Whether this restraint represents intellectual discipline or self-censorship depends on one's assessment of the institutional constraints within which Koh operates.

The Methodological Challenge of Studying Singapore's Politics

A deeper methodological critique concerns whether standard survey instruments developed in Western democratic contexts can adequately capture political attitudes in Singapore's distinctive political environment. In established democracies, survey research operates on the assumption that respondents will express their genuine political preferences when guaranteed anonymity. In Singapore — where the culture of surveillance, the memory of political consequences for dissent, and the small-scale intimacy of the society create persistent anxieties about confidentiality — this assumption may not hold. Koh has acknowledged these methodological challenges in her published work while maintaining that the surveys, despite their limitations, provide the best available systematic evidence about political attitudes. The alternative — relying on impressionistic assessments, government claims, or anecdotal evidence — is demonstrably worse.

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Section 10: Outcomes and Evidence

The Post-Election Survey as Democratic Infrastructure

The IPS Post-Election Surveys have become an essential component of Singapore's democratic infrastructure — a shared empirical reference point that enables informed public debate about electoral politics. Before these surveys, political commentary in Singapore relied on impressionistic assessments, anecdotal evidence, and the government's own interpretations of election results. The surveys provided an independent, methodologically rigorous alternative.

Influence on Policy and Public Discourse

The survey findings have influenced both policy and public discourse, though the pathways of influence are often indirect. The 2011 survey data documenting the centrality of immigration as a voter concern contributed to the government's subsequent decision to moderate immigration policy. The data on housing affordability concerns informed public debate about HDB pricing and supply. The longitudinal evidence of increasing demand for political competition contributed to broader discussions about the future of Singapore's political system.

Building Research Capacity

Through her work at IPS, Koh has trained and mentored a generation of younger researchers in survey methodology and political attitude research — building institutional capacity for the kind of empirical political research that Singapore's public discourse needs.

The Governance Feedback Loop

One of the less visible but significant contributions of Koh's research has been its role in creating a feedback loop between citizens and policymakers — a mechanism through which public attitudes are measured, published, and made available to the government in a form that is more systematic and less filterable than the feedback the government receives through its own channels (meet-the-people sessions, grassroots organisations, controlled dialogue sessions). While the government has its own polling apparatus, the IPS surveys — because they are published and publicly debated — function as a form of public accountability that the government's internal polling does not provide.

The significance of this feedback loop should not be overstated: the government is not bound by survey findings, and there is no direct mechanism through which IPS research translates into policy change. But the surveys create a public record of citizen attitudes that the government cannot ignore — a record that journalists, opposition politicians, and civil society actors can cite when challenging official claims about public sentiment. In this sense, Koh's research serves a democratic function that goes beyond its academic purpose.

The Digital Transition in Civic Engagement

Koh's more recent research has tracked the emergence of digital civic engagement in Singapore — the use of social media, online petitions, crowdfunding platforms, and digital organising tools for civic purposes. This research has documented a significant shift in the character of civic participation: from formal, structured engagement through registered organisations to informal, networked engagement through digital platforms. The shift has implications for both civil society and the state: it makes civic organising faster, cheaper, and more accessible, but it also makes it harder to sustain, harder to institutionalise, and — from the state's perspective — harder to monitor and manage.

The research has revealed generational differences in civic engagement patterns that parallel the generational differences in political attitudes documented by the post-election surveys. Younger Singaporeans are more likely to engage in digital civic participation — signing online petitions, sharing political content on social media, participating in online discussions about public policy — while older Singaporeans are more likely to engage through traditional channels — community organisations, grassroots networks, formal feedback mechanisms. This generational transition suggests that the character of Singapore's civil society is undergoing a structural transformation that will reshape the relationship between citizens and the state.

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Section 11: What the Archive Has Not Yet Revealed

• The internal dynamics of IPS — how research topics are selected, how findings are reviewed before publication, and whether government feedback influences what is studied and how results are presented.
• Koh's private assessments of the political significance of her findings — the conclusions she draws but does not publish, the trends she identifies but does not emphasise.
• The government's internal use of IPS survey data — whether policymakers treat the post-election surveys as genuine feedback or as academic exercises of limited operational relevance.
• The full dataset from the post-election surveys, including variables and cross-tabulations that have not been publicly reported — data that might reveal additional dimensions of political attitude change in Singapore.
• Whether there are topics that Koh and her colleagues have been discouraged from researching — questions about political topics too sensitive for an embedded institution to investigate.

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Section 12: Spiral Expansion Triggers / Spiral Index

Persons Requiring Dedicated Profiles

• Ooi Giok Ling — co-editor of State-Society Relations in Singapore; IPS colleague
• Janadas Devan — former IPS director; journalist-turned-policy-communicator
• Tan Ern Ser — NUS sociologist conducting complementary survey research on social attitudes

Institutions Requiring Dedicated Histories

• The Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) — its founding, evolution, institutional position, and contribution to Singapore public discourse
• The Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy — its intellectual agenda and relationship to the government
• The People's Association and grassroots organisations — the subjects of the civil society research Koh conducts

Debates Requiring Deep Dives

• The evolution of Singapore's electoral politics from 2006 to present — a data-driven analysis using IPS survey findings
• Civil society in Singapore — the space between state and citizen
• Survey methodology and political research in constrained environments

Level 2/3/4 Documents to Generate

• Level 2 Deep Dive: Singapore's Electoral Politics — What the IPS Post-Election Surveys Reveal (2006–2020)
• Level 2 Deep Dive: Civil Society in Singapore — From Registration to Digital Activism
• Level 4 Anthology: Empirical Research on Political Attitudes in Singapore — The IPS Contribution

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Section 13: Sources and References

Books

• Gillian Koh and Ooi Giok Ling (eds.), State-Society Relations in Singapore (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 2000).
• Chua Beng Huat, Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore (London: Routledge, 1995).
• Garry Rodan, Transparency and Authoritarian Rule in Southeast Asia: Singapore and Malaysia (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004).
• Stephan Ortmann, Politics and Change in Singapore and Hong Kong: Containing Contention (London: Routledge, 2010).

IPS Publications and Reports

• Institute of Policy Studies, IPS Post-Election Survey 2006 (Singapore: NUS, 2006).
• Institute of Policy Studies, IPS Post-Election Survey 2011 (Singapore: NUS, 2011).
• Institute of Policy Studies, IPS Post-Election Survey 2015 (Singapore: NUS, 2015).
• Institute of Policy Studies, IPS Post-Election Survey 2020 (Singapore: NUS, 2020).
• Institute of Policy Studies, Study on Social Capital in Singapore, various waves.
• Institute of Policy Studies, various working papers, policy briefs, and research reports.

Journal Articles

• Gillian Koh, various articles on civil society, electoral politics, and governance in Singapore, in Asian Journal of Political Science, Journal of Contemporary Asia, and other peer-reviewed journals.
• Netina Tan, "Manipulating Electoral Laws in Singapore," Electoral Studies 32:4 (2013), pp. 632–643.

Newspaper and Media Sources

• The Straits Times, various coverage of IPS Post-Election Survey findings, 2006–2020.
• Today, coverage of IPS research and public forums, various dates.
• Channel NewsAsia, coverage of IPS events and research findings, various dates.

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