Document Code: SG-K-34 Full Title: The 2025 General Election: Lawrence Wong's Mandate and the New Parliament Coverage Period: 2025 Level Designation: Level 2 Deep Dive (Block K: Critical Decisions and Turning Points) Primary Sources Consulted:

Elections Department Singapore, Report on the Parliamentary General Election 2025 (Singapore: Elections Department, 2025)
The Straits Times, Channel NewsAsia, Today, contemporaneous election reporting and commentary, April–May 2025
Singapore Parliamentary Debates (Hansard), Budget Debates 2025; Address by Prime Minister Lawrence Wong
People's Action Party, Forward Singapore Report and Manifesto, 2023–2025
Workers' Party, General Election 2025 Manifesto and Press Statements
Progress Singapore Party, General Election 2025 Manifesto and Press Statements
Public Prosecutor v. Pritam Singh [2025], District Court Judgment, February 2025; High Court Appeal Dismissed, December 2025
Committee of Privileges, Report on the Conduct of Pritam Singh and Sylvia Lim, January 2022
Prime Minister's Office, Press Statement on Dissolution of Parliament, April 2025
Department of Statistics Singapore, Population in Brief 2025
Eugene Tan (SMU), commentary on GE2025 results and implications, May 2025
Kenneth Paul Tan, commentary on opposition politics and electoral trends, 2025
Nomination Day filings and candidate declarations, Elections Department Singapore, April 2025

Related Documents:

SG-K-10: The 2011 Election — The Reckoning
SG-K-32: Raeesah Khan — Lying to Parliament and the Workers' Party's Accountability Test
SG-K-17: The Decision to Prosecute Iswaran (2023–2024)
SG-K-16: The Heng Swee Keat Succession — When the Heir Apparent Stepped Aside
SG-C-14: General Election 2020 — The Watershed and Its Aftermath
SG-H-PM-04: Lawrence Wong — Fourth Prime Minister Profile
SG-H-OPP-03: Pritam Singh — The First Official Opposition Leader
SG-B-09 | The Lawrence Wong Transition (2022-2026)
SG-C-20 | Forward Singapore: Refreshing the Social Compact for a New Generation
SG-O-02 | Trump Tariffs and Singapore — The Trade War, GDP Paradox, and Strategic Repositioning
SG-I-05 | The Electoral System
SG-J-05 | The GRC System

Version Date: 2026-03-16 Status: [COMPLETE]

1. Key Takeaways

The 2025 general election, held on 3 May 2025, was the first contested under Lawrence Wong as Prime Minister and PAP secretary-general. It delivered a decisive mandate: the PAP won 87 of 97 elected seats with 65.57% of the popular vote, its strongest result since the SG50-fuelled 2015 election and a significant recovery from the 61.2% recorded in 2020. The result was widely interpreted as an endorsement of Wong's leadership and the Forward Singapore social compact he had championed since 2022.
The Workers' Party retained all ten of its directly elected seats — five in Aljunied GRC, four in Sengkang GRC, and one in Hougang SMC — and increased its vote margins in several of these constituencies. The WP also secured two Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) seats through its best-loser performances in Jalan Kayu SMC and Tampines GRC, giving it a total of twelve parliamentary seats. This was a creditable result for the WP given the headwinds it faced, including the criminal conviction of its secretary-general, Pritam Singh.
The election confirmed the consolidation of Singapore's opposition space around the Workers' Party and the effective marginalisation of all other opposition parties. The Progress Singapore Party (PSP), led by Tan Cheng Bock, failed to win any seats and lost the two NCMP positions it had held since 2020, reverting to extra-parliamentary status. No other opposition party came close to competitive performance. The multi-party opposition landscape that had briefly seemed possible in 2020 did not materialise.
Voter turnout was 92.47%, a characteristically high figure for a country with compulsory voting. A record 211 candidates contested the election, including 53 women — the highest number of female candidates in Singapore's electoral history. The election returned a record 31 women to Parliament, constituting 31.9% of elected MPs, a significant milestone in a political system that had long been criticised for the under-representation of women.
The election was called in the shadow of Pritam Singh's criminal conviction in February 2025 for lying to the Committee of Privileges during its investigation of the Raeesah Khan affair. Singh was fined S$7,000 per charge — a sentence carefully calibrated below the threshold that would have triggered automatic disqualification from Parliament. The timing of the election call, coming shortly after the conviction, was widely analysed as a strategic decision to capitalise on the WP's reputational vulnerability.
The most closely watched contest was in Tampines GRC, where the PAP's team — led by Minister Masagos Zulkifli — faced a four-cornered fight involving the Workers' Party and two other opposition parties. The PAP won with 52.02% against the WP's 47.37% (with the remainder split among minor parties), a margin narrow enough to underscore Tampines as a potential future battleground. Punggol GRC, a newly carved constituency anchored by Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong, saw the PAP secure 55.17% against WP's Harpreet Singh Khalsa.
The expansion of Parliament from 93 to 97 elected seats, achieved through boundary revisions by the Electoral Boundaries Review Committee, continued the gradual enlargement of the legislature. The boundary changes, as in every previous election, attracted scrutiny and accusations of gerrymandering, though the government maintained that the revisions reflected population shifts and the need for more equitable constituency sizes.
The result was a political paradox: the PAP's vote share recovery and seat gain coexisted with the WP's consolidation and deepened local rootedness in its held constituencies. Singapore's political landscape after 2025 was not a return to pre-2011 dominance but rather a stabilisation — a dominant party with an entrenched, if geographically concentrated, opposition presence.

2. The Record in Brief

On 3 May 2025, 2.71 million Singaporean voters went to the polls in the fourteenth general election since independence. The People's Action Party, contesting under its fourth prime minister and led by Lawrence Wong as secretary-general, won 87 of 97 elected seats with 65.57% of valid votes cast. The Workers' Party won ten seats directly and secured two additional NCMP seats. No other party won representation. Turnout stood at 92.47%. The election fielded a record 211 candidates across all constituencies, and the resulting Parliament included a record 31 women among its elected members.

The PAP's performance represented a gain of four seats over 2020 (when it won 83 of 93) and a vote share improvement of 4.37 percentage points. For Lawrence Wong, who had assumed the premiership from Lee Hsien Loong in May 2024, the result served as a personal mandate — the electorate's first direct verdict on his leadership, distinct from the inherited authority of succession.

The Workers' Party, despite facing its most serious institutional crisis since the Aljunied GRC Town Council saga, proved that its electoral base was durable and geographically rooted. The party's contested popular vote — the share among voters who actually had a WP candidate on their ballot — stood at 50.04%, even as its overall national popular vote was 14.99% (reflecting the fact that it contested only a fraction of all seats). The WP's increased margins in Sengkang GRC and Hougang SMC suggested that its incumbency advantage in these constituencies had deepened rather than eroded.

3. Timeline of Key Events

May 2024: Lawrence Wong is sworn in as Singapore's fourth Prime Minister, succeeding Lee Hsien Loong. Wong also assumes the role of PAP secretary-general.

2022–2024: The Forward Singapore exercise, launched by Wong as Deputy Prime Minister, conducts nationwide consultations on social mobility, the social compact, housing, education, and Singapore's long-term direction. The exercise produces a series of policy commitments that form the foundation of the PAP's 2025 platform.

July–September 2024: The Iswaran case concludes with conviction and sentencing to twelve months' imprisonment, removing a senior PAP minister from politics and creating a brief period of governance vulnerability.

October 2024–January 2025: Pritam Singh's trial for lying to the Committee of Privileges proceeds in the district court.

February 2025: Pritam Singh is convicted on all charges and fined S$7,000 per charge. The total fine is kept below the S$10,000 threshold that would disqualify him from holding his parliamentary seat. Singh announces his intention to appeal.

February 2025: Budget 2025 is delivered by Lawrence Wong, featuring targeted cost-of-living relief and measures aligned with the Forward Singapore framework.

April 2025: Parliament is dissolved. The Electoral Boundaries Review Committee report is released, showing an expansion from 93 to 97 seats and boundary adjustments across multiple constituencies, including the creation of Punggol GRC. Nomination Day and Polling Day are announced.

April 2025 (Nomination Day): A record 211 candidates file nominations. Fifty-three women stand as candidates, the most in any Singapore general election.

3 May 2025 (Polling Day): Voters go to the polls. Results are announced through the night and into the early morning of 4 May.

December 2025: Pritam Singh's appeal against his conviction is dismissed by the High Court.

4. Background and Context

The Political Landscape After the 4G Transition

The 2025 election was the culmination of Singapore's most carefully managed leadership transition since independence. Lawrence Wong's elevation to the premiership in May 2024 had been preceded by years of public preparation — the identification of Wong as the "4G" leader, the departure of Heng Swee Keat from the succession track in 2021, and the gradual transfer of policy ownership through the Forward Singapore exercise. By the time Wong called the election, he had served as PM for approximately eleven months — long enough to establish his governing style but short enough that the election functioned as a ratification rather than a retrospective judgment.

Wong's political persona was deliberately calibrated as a departure from the Lee dynasty era. Where Lee Hsien Loong had projected authority and intellectual command, Wong cultivated an image of empathy, consultative governance, and generational renewal. The Forward Singapore exercise, which ran from 2022 to 2024, was the centrepiece of this strategy — a nationwide consultation that engaged tens of thousands of Singaporeans on questions of social mobility, meritocracy, housing, and national identity. The exercise produced substantive policy shifts, including enhanced social support for lower-income families, reforms to the education system to reduce competitive pressure, and commitments to expand public housing supply. These became the basis of the PAP's 2025 manifesto.

The Pritam Singh Conviction

The single most significant pre-election development was the conviction of Workers' Party secretary-general Pritam Singh in February 2025 for lying to the Committee of Privileges during its investigation of the Raeesah Khan affair. The case had its origins in Khan's false statements to Parliament in August and October 2021, her subsequent confession and resignation, and the COP's finding that Singh had effectively instructed Khan to maintain her lie rather than correct the parliamentary record.

Singh was convicted on multiple charges and fined S$7,000 per charge. The sentencing was politically consequential in two dimensions. First, the fines were kept below the threshold that would have triggered automatic disqualification from Parliament — a calibration that some analysts viewed as prosecutorial restraint and others as a deliberate decision to keep Singh in play as a weakened opposition leader rather than create a martyr. Second, the conviction hung over the WP's campaign, providing the PAP with a potent line of attack: the party that demanded accountability from the government had failed its own accountability test.

Singh's decision to remain as WP leader despite the conviction was itself a strategic choice. He calculated — correctly, as the results would show — that his base in Aljunied remained loyal and that the conviction, while damaging to the party's national brand, did not fatally undermine its incumbency advantage in held constituencies. The appeal, which was not heard until December 2025, meant that the conviction was technically not final during the campaign, giving WP supporters a basis for suspending judgment.

Budget 2025 and Cost-of-Living Pressures

Lawrence Wong's Budget 2025, delivered in February, served as an effective pre-election policy platform. The Budget addressed cost-of-living concerns that had dominated public discourse throughout 2024, including rising food prices, utility costs, and housing affordability. Targeted transfers — including CDC vouchers, GST voucher enhancements, and Workfare supplements — were designed to demonstrate the government's responsiveness to kitchen-table concerns.

The Budget also advanced the Forward Singapore agenda, with increased funding for skills retraining, enhanced social support for caregivers, and expanded subsidies for early childhood education. The political effect was to frame the election as a choice between continuity with a reforming government and disruption by an opposition whose credibility had been damaged.

5. The Campaign

The 2025 campaign was conducted over the standard nine-day period between Nomination Day and Polling Day. It was the first campaign in which Lawrence Wong served as the PAP's standard-bearer and secretary-general, and it was characterised by a disciplined PAP message focused on three themes: trust, stability, and the Forward Singapore mandate.

The PAP's campaign was notable for its avoidance of the confrontational tone that had backfired in previous elections — particularly the "repent" rhetoric of 2011 and the occasionally heavy-handed attacks on opposition candidates in 2020. Wong's personal style set the register: earnest, consultative, and forward-looking rather than combative. PAP candidates were instructed to focus on local constituency issues and national policy rather than opposition-bashing, though the Pritam Singh conviction inevitably featured in rally speeches and media exchanges.

The Workers' Party campaign was, by necessity, a defensive operation in its national messaging and an incumbency-focused operation in its held constituencies. In Aljunied, Sengkang, and Hougang, the WP emphasised its track record of local service, town council management, and parliamentary performance. Pritam Singh addressed the conviction directly in his rally speeches, framing it as a politically motivated prosecution and pointing to his pending appeal. The party fielded candidates in several new constituencies, including a challenge in Punggol GRC that pitted the WP's Harpreet Singh Khalsa against DPM Gan Kim Yong.

The PSP, contesting its second general election, struggled to maintain relevance. The party's 2020 performance — in which it won two NCMP seats and achieved competitive vote shares in West Coast GRC and Chua Chu Kang GRC — had generated expectations that it could emerge as a second opposition force. But the party had been weakened by internal departures, the advancing age of its founder Tan Cheng Bock, and the gravitational pull of the WP as the credible opposition brand. The PSP's campaign struggled for media attention and voter traction, and its results confirmed its decline.

A notable feature of the 2025 campaign was the record number of candidates and the unprecedented participation of women. Fifty-three women stood across all parties, and the eventual election of 31 women — 31.9% of the 97-seat Parliament — represented a meaningful advance in gender representation. This was the product of deliberate party recruitment strategies (particularly by the PAP, which had committed to increasing female representation) and a broader societal shift in expectations about women in political leadership.

6. Results and Analysis

National Results

Metric	GE2025	GE2020	Change
Total elected seats	97	93	+4
PAP seats	87	83	+4
WP seats (elected)	10	10	0
WP NCMP seats	2	0*	+2
PSP NCMP seats	0	2	-2
PAP vote share	65.57%	61.24%	+4.33
Voter turnout	92.47%	95.81%	-3.34
Total candidates	211	192	+19
Women elected	31	27	+4

*Note: In 2020, the WP won 10 elected seats but did not receive NCMP seats, as NCMPs are allocated to best-performing losing candidates. The PSP received the NCMP allocations in 2020.

Key Constituency Results

Aljunied GRC (5 seats): The Workers' Party retained Aljunied, the constituency it first won in the landmark 2011 election. Despite the shadow of Singh's conviction, the Aljunied electorate demonstrated the incumbency loyalty that the WP had built over fourteen years of constituency service. The WP's hold on Aljunied — now entering its fourth consecutive term — has transformed the constituency from a swing seat into something approaching a safe opposition seat, a phenomenon unprecedented in Singapore's electoral history.

Sengkang GRC (4 seats): The WP increased its vote margin in Sengkang, the constituency it captured in the 2020 election with a team of young professionals — Jamus Lim, He Ting Ru, Louis Chua, and a fourth member. The 2025 result confirmed that the 2020 win was not a one-off protest vote but reflected genuine voter alignment with the WP in a constituency that is younger, more educated, and more politically engaged than the national average. The WP's consolidation in Sengkang was arguably the most significant opposition result of the election.

Hougang SMC (1 seat): The WP's fortress constituency since 1991 returned its WP candidate with an increased majority. Hougang has been held by the opposition for over three decades — first by Low Thia Khiang, then by Faisal Manap (briefly), then by Dennis Tan — and its continued loyalty reflects a constituency-level political identity that is now self-reinforcing.

Tampines GRC (5 seats): The most dramatic contest of the election. The PAP's team, led by Minister Masagos Zulkifli, faced a four-cornered fight with the Workers' Party as the principal challenger. The PAP won with 52.02% against the WP's 47.37%, with the remainder split among minor candidates. The narrow margin — the tightest GRC result for the PAP — signalled that Tampines could become the next opposition target, particularly if the WP concentrates resources there in a future election. The four-cornered nature of the fight may have marginally aided the PAP by splitting anti-incumbent sentiment, but the WP's near-48% share in a GRC it had never previously contested at this level was a statement of intent.

Punggol GRC (new, 4–5 seats): A newly created constituency carved from parts of the former Pasir Ris–Punggol GRC and adjacent areas. The PAP fielded DPM Gan Kim Yong as its anchor, while the WP sent Harpreet Singh Khalsa, a lawyer who had become a prominent opposition figure. The PAP's 55.17% was comfortable but not overwhelming, particularly given the presence of a Deputy Prime Minister on the ticket. The result suggested that even new constituencies with senior PAP leaders were not immune to competitive opposition pressure.

Jalan Kayu SMC: The WP's best-performing losing candidate in this single-member constituency secured one of the two NCMP seats, extending WP representation beyond its directly held territory.

7. Opposition Performance

Workers' Party: Consolidation Under Pressure

The Workers' Party's 2025 performance must be assessed against the severe headwinds it faced. The Pritam Singh conviction was the most serious reputational blow to the party since the Aljunied–Hougang Town Council saga of 2013–2020. The party entered the election with its leader convicted of a criminal offence, its internal discipline questioned, and a PAP campaign apparatus ready to exploit these vulnerabilities.

That the WP held every seat it had won — and increased its margins in several — was a testament to three factors. First, the party's constituency-level service machinery had become genuinely entrenched. Voters in Aljunied, Sengkang, and Hougang had experienced WP governance directly and were making a judgment based on local performance, not national narratives. Second, the WP's parliamentary team — particularly Jamus Lim, He Ting Ru, Leon Perera (prior to his resignation in 2023), and Sylvia Lim — had built a reputation for substantive, policy-oriented parliamentary contributions that gave voters confidence in the party's governing capacity. Third, for a segment of the electorate, the Singh conviction was filtered through a lens of political scepticism: many WP voters viewed the prosecution as at least partially politically motivated, a perception that blunted its electoral impact.

The WP's contested popular vote of 50.04% — the share of the vote in constituencies where it actually fielded candidates — was a striking figure. It meant that in the seats the WP chose to contest, it won essentially half the vote. This figure was far more revealing than the overall popular vote of 14.99%, which was depressed by the WP's selective contesting strategy. It suggested that the WP's ceiling, in constituencies it actively works, is competitive parity with the PAP.

The acquisition of two NCMP seats brought the WP's total parliamentary presence to twelve — its highest ever. While NCMP seats carry less political weight than elected seats (they cannot vote on constitutional amendments, supply bills, or no-confidence motions), they expand the party's ability to participate in parliamentary debate and maintain a visible profile in constituencies it hopes to contest in future.

Progress Singapore Party: The Failure to Establish a Second Front

The PSP's 2025 performance was a definitive setback. The party, founded in 2019 by former PAP MP and presidential candidate Tan Cheng Bock, had positioned itself as a moderate, centrist alternative — distinct from the WP's more confrontational brand of opposition. In 2020, the PSP had achieved respectable vote shares and secured two NCMP seats, generating optimism that Singapore might be developing a multi-party opposition landscape.

By 2025, that optimism had dissipated. The PSP lost both NCMP seats, failed to win any constituency, and saw its vote shares decline across the board. The party's difficulties were structural: it lacked the grassroots machinery of the WP, its policy positions were not sufficiently differentiated from either the PAP or the WP, and its leadership bench was thin. Tan Cheng Bock, while personally popular, was in his eighties, and the party had not developed a credible successor generation. The PSP's reversion to extra-parliamentary status raised fundamental questions about whether any opposition party other than the WP could sustain electoral relevance in Singapore's political system.

The PSP's failure also confirmed a pattern visible across multiple election cycles: Singapore's opposition space tends toward consolidation around a single credible party rather than fragmentation across multiple parties. The structural incentives of the GRC system, the first-past-the-post electoral model, and the high barriers to building constituency-level machinery all favour concentration over diversification. After 2025, the WP stood alone as the only opposition party with parliamentary representation, institutional infrastructure, and a plausible path to growth.

8. Significance and Implications

Lawrence Wong's Mandate

The 2025 result gave Lawrence Wong something that not every successor leader in a dominant-party system receives: a personal mandate. Lee Hsien Loong had governed for twenty years, but his early elections (2006, 2011) were interpreted as judgments on his father's legacy and the accumulated policies of the PAP rather than on his individual leadership. Wong, by contrast, sought and received a verdict specifically on the direction he proposed for Singapore's next chapter. The 65.57% vote share was emphatic — higher than Lee Hsien Loong's worst results, comparable to his better ones, and high enough to silence any internal questioning of Wong's authority within the PAP.

The mandate was also a validation of the Forward Singapore framework. Wong had staked his political identity on a shift in the social compact — a more redistributive, more consultative, and less relentlessly competitive model than the one that had characterised the Lee Kuan Yew and Lee Hsien Loong eras. The electorate's endorsement suggested that this recalibration was welcome and that voters saw Wong's approach as authentically responsive to their concerns about inequality, cost of living, and social mobility.

The Resilience and Limits of Opposition Politics

The election demonstrated both the resilience and the geographical limits of opposition politics in Singapore. The WP proved that it could withstand institutional crisis, criminal prosecution of its leader, and a concerted PAP campaign — and emerge with its seat count intact and its vote margins improved in key constituencies. This was a significant data point for the durability of opposition politics in a PAP-dominant system.

However, the WP's gains remained geographically concentrated. It held seats in three constituencies — all in the north-east corridor of Singapore — and had not broken through in new territory. The Tampines result was promising but ultimately a loss. The party's national vote share remained modest. The dream of a "First World Parliament" with thirty or more opposition seats, articulated by Chiam See Tong and others in earlier decades, remained distant.

Gender Representation and Generational Change

The record 31 women elected to Parliament — nearly one-third of all seats — was a milestone that deserved recognition even as it remained below parity. The increase was driven primarily by party recruitment decisions, particularly the PAP's commitment to fielding more women in GRC teams. The WP also fielded prominent women candidates, including He Ting Ru, who had become one of the most effective opposition parliamentarians. The 2025 Parliament was measurably more representative of Singapore's population than any of its predecessors.

The election also accelerated generational change. The departure of Lee Hsien Loong-era ministers and the introduction of new PAP candidates drawn from diverse professional backgrounds — technology, social services, healthcare — reshaped the composition of the ruling party's bench. The new Parliament was younger, more gender-balanced, and more professionally diverse than its predecessor.

The Structural Dominance Question

For scholars of Singapore's political system, the 2025 election posed a familiar question: did the result reflect genuine popular endorsement or the structural advantages that the PAP enjoys through its control of the electoral system, media landscape, grassroots organisations, and public housing allocation? The answer, as always, was both. The PAP's policies were broadly popular, Wong's leadership was well-received, and the opposition faced genuine credibility challenges. But these factors operated within a system where the ruling party set the electoral boundaries, controlled the timing of the election, dominated mainstream media coverage, and benefited from a grassroots network (People's Association, Community Development Councils) that blurred the line between party and state.

The 2025 election did not resolve these structural questions — no single election could. But it demonstrated that within this system, meaningful opposition was possible, that voters could and did make independent judgments, and that the PAP's dominance, while formidable, was earned through performance as well as structure.

9. The New Parliament

The Fifteenth Parliament of Singapore, convened following the 2025 election, comprised 97 elected members and 2 Non-Constituency Members, along with up to 9 Nominated Members of Parliament appointed subsequently. The PAP caucus of 87 elected members included Lawrence Wong as Prime Minister, a reshuffled Cabinet reflecting the post-election mandate, and a significant cohort of first-term MPs who represented the next generation of potential leaders.

The Workers' Party contingent of twelve (ten elected, two NCMP) constituted the largest opposition presence in Parliament since independence. Pritam Singh continued to serve as Leader of the Opposition — a role formalised only in 2020 — with the institutional resources and speaking time that the position entailed. The WP's parliamentary team combined experienced hands (Singh, Sylvia Lim, Dennis Tan) with the Sengkang cohort (Jamus Lim, He Ting Ru, Louis Chua) and the two new NCMP members, providing a mix of institutional memory and fresh perspectives.

The absence of the PSP from Parliament was notable. For the first time since 2020, there was no opposition representation outside the Workers' Party. The Parliament was, in terms of party composition, a two-party chamber — a structure that simplified the opposition's strategic calculations but also concentrated risk: the WP bore sole responsibility for all opposition activity, scrutiny, and accountability.

The December 2025 dismissal of Pritam Singh's appeal against his conviction closed the legal chapter of the Raeesah Khan affair but opened a new political one. With the conviction now final, Singh faced ongoing questions about his fitness for leadership — questions that the PAP could be expected to raise in every subsequent parliamentary session. How Singh and the WP navigated this permanent vulnerability would shape opposition politics for the remainder of the parliamentary term.

The 2025 general election was, in the final analysis, a stabilising event. It confirmed Lawrence Wong's authority, validated his policy direction, and gave him the mandate to govern without the shadow of his predecessor. It confirmed the Workers' Party's durability and the geographic consolidation of its support. It clarified that Singapore's opposition landscape was a one-party affair. And it produced a Parliament that was, by Singapore's historical standards, more diverse, more representative, and more politically defined than any before it — even as the fundamental power asymmetry between government and opposition remained the defining feature of the system.

SG-K-34: The 2025 General Election — Lawrence Wong's Mandate and the New Parliament